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President Makarios: I
would
like at the outset to express my warmest thanks to the members of the Security
Council for the keen interest they have shown in the critical situation created
in Cyprus after the coup, which was organised by the military regime of Greece
and was put into effect by the Greek officers serving in and commanding the
Cyprus National Guard. I am particularly grateful that the Security Council has
agreed to postpone its meeting until my arrival here to give me the opportunity
of addressing it on the recent dramatic events in Cyprus.
What has been happening in
Cyprus since last Monday morning is a real tragedy. The military regime of
Greece has callously violated the independence of Cyprus. Without trace of
respect for the democratic rights of the Cypriot people, without trace of
respect for the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus, the
Greek junta has extended its dictatorship to Cyprus. It is indeed a fact that
for some time now their intention was becoming obvious. The people of Cyprus had
for a long time feeling that a coup by the Greek junta was brewing, and this
feeling became more intense during the recent weeks when the terrorist
organisation 'EOKA B', directed from Athens, had renewed its wave of violence.
I knew all along that the
illegal organisation had its roots and supply resources in Athens. I became
aware that the Greek officers staffing and commanding the National Guard were
recruiting members for that organisation, and they supported it in various ways
to the point of access to the munition supply stores of the National Guard. In
the camps of the National Guard, the Greek officers were conducting open
propaganda in favour of that illegal organisation and turned the National Guard
from an organ of the state into an instrument of subversion. Whenever, from time
to time, I complained to Athens about unbecoming conduct by Greek officers of
the National Guard, the reply was that if I had concrete evidence in proof
thereof those found guilty would be recalled. From the whole tenor of their
attitude, I received the unmistakable impression that their standard response
was a pretence of innocence. A few days ago documents came into the hands of the
Cyprus police clearly proving that 'EOKA B' was an appendage of the Athens
regime.
Funds were being remitted from
Athens for the upkeep of this organisation and detailed directives regarding its
actions were also given to it. I then found it necessary myself to address a
letter to the President of the Greek regime, General Gizikis, asking him to give
orders for the cessation of the violence and bloodshed by 'EOKA B' and for its
dissolution. I also requested him to recall the Greek officers serving with the
National Guard, adding that my intention was to reduce the numerical strength of
this force and to turn it into an organ of the Cyprus State. I was waiting for a
reply. My impression was that the Athens regime did not favour the reduction of
the force, much less the withdrawal of the Greek officers.
The Greek Ambassador in Cyprus
called on me, on instructions from his Government, in order to explain to me
that the decrease in the numerical strength of the National Guard or the
withdrawal of the Greek officers would weaken the defence of Cyprus in case of
danger from Turkey. This was an argument which, even though it appeared logical,
was not convincing because I knew that behind this argument other interests were
hidden. I replied that as things developed I consider the danger from Turkey of
a lesser degree than the danger from them. And it was proved that my fears were
justified.
On Saturday, 13 July, a
conference under the presidency of General Gizikis was held in Athens, which
lasted for many hours. It was attended by the Greek Chief of Staff of the armed
forces, the Ambassador of Greece to Cyprus, the commander of the National Guard
with the purpose of discussing the content of my letter. As was stated in a
relevant communiqué' issued at the end of this conference, it was to be
reconvened on Monday, 15 July. The reference in the communiqué' to a second
conference was deceiving. For a while on Monday I was waiting for a reply to my
letter, the reply came, and it was the coup.
On that day, I returned from my
summerhouse on the Troodos Mountains, where I had spent the weekend, and by 8
a.m. I was at my office at the Presidential Palace. Half an hour later I was
welcoming in the reception room a group of boys and girls, members of the Greek
Orthodox Youth from Cairo who came to Cyprus as my guests for a five days.
Hardly had I greeted them when the first shots were heard. Within seconds the
shots became more frequent and a member of the Presidential Guard informed me
that armoured cars and tanks had passed the fence and were already in the yard
of the Presidential Palace, which was shaking from mortar shells. The situation
soon became critical I tried to call the Cyprus radio station for the purpose of
issuing a special broadcast announcing that the Presidential Palace was under
attack, but I realised that the lines were cut off. Heavy shelling was ever
increasing. How my life was saved seemed like a providential miracle. When I
eventually found myself in the area of Paphos, I addressed the people of Cyprus
from a local radio station informing them that I am alive and that will struggle
with them against the dictatorship, which the Greek regime is trying to impose.
I do not intend to occupy the
time of the members of the Security Council with my personal adventure. I simply
wish to add that during the second day of the armed attack the armoured cars and
tanks were moving towards Paphos, while at the same time a small warship of the
National Guard began shelling the Bishophric of Paphos where I was staying.
Under the circumstances, I found it advisable to leave Cyprus rather than fall
into the hands of the Greek junta.
I am grateful to the British
Government, which made available a helicopter to pick me up from Paphos,
transfer me to the British bases, and from there by plane to Malta and London. I
am also grateful to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and to
the Commander of the Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus for the interest, which they
had shown for my safety. My presence in this room of the Security Council was
made possible thanks to the help given to me by the British Government and the
representatives of the Secretary-General, Dr. Waldheim, whose keen concern for
me and for the critical situation which developed in Cyprus moves every fibre of
my heart.
I do not know as yet all the
details of the Cyprus crisis caused by the Greek military regime. I am afraid
that the number of casualties is large and that the material destruction is
heavy. What is, however, our primary concern at present is the ending of the
tragedy.
When I reached London, I was
informed of the content of the speech of the representative of the Greek junta
to the United Nations. I was surprised at the way they are trying to deceive
world public opinion. Without a blush, the Greek junta is making efforts to
simplify the situation, claiming that it is not involved in the armed attack and
that the developments of the last few days are an internal matter of the Greek
Cypriots.
I do not believe that there are
people who accept the allegations of the Greek military regime. The coup did not
come about under such circumstances as to he considered an internal matter of
the Greek Cypriots. It is clearly an invasion from outside, in flagrant
violation of the independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Cyprus. The
so-called coup was the work of the Greek officers staffing and commanding the
National Guard. I must also underline the fact that the Greek contingent,
composed of 950 officers and men stationed in Cyprus by virtue of the Treaty of
Alliance, played a predominant role in this aggressive affair against Cyprus.
The capture of the airport outside the capital was carried out by officers and
men of the Greek contingent campaign near the airport.
It is enough to state on this
point that certain photographs appearing in the world press show armoured
vehicles and tanks belonging to the Greek contingent in Cyprus. On the other
hand, the Greek officers serving with the National Guard were directing the
operations. In these operations, they recruited many members of the terrorist
organisation 'EOKA B', whom they armed with weapons of the National Guard.
If the Greek officers serving
in the National Guard were not involved, how does one explain the fact that
among the casualties in battle were Greek officers whose remains were
transported to Greece and buried there? If Greek officers did not carry out the
coup, how does one explain the fact of night flights of Greek aircraft
transporting to Cyprus personnel in civilian clothes and taking back to Greece
dead and wounded men? There is no doubt that the coup was organised by the Greek
junta and was carried out by the Greek officers commanding the National Guard
and by the officers and men of the Greek contingent stationed in Cyprus - and it
was reported as such by the press around the globe.
The coup caused much bloodshed
and took a great toll of human lives. It was faced with the determined
resistance of the legal security forces and the resistance of the Greek people
of Cyprus. I can say with certainty that the resistance and the reaction of the
Greek Cypriot people against the conspirators will not end until there is a
restoration of their freedom and democratic rights. The Cypriot people will
never bow to dictatorship, even though for the moment the brutal force of the
armoured cars and tanks may have prevailed.
After the coup, the agents of
the Greek regime in Cyprus appointed a well-known gun-man, Nicos Samson as
President, who in turn appointed as ministers known elements and supporters of
the terrorist organisation 'EOKA B'.
It may be alleged that what
took place in Cyprus is a revolution and that a Government was established based
on revolutionary law. This is not the case. No revolution took place in Cyprus,
which could be considered as an internal matter. It was an invasion, which
violated the independence and the sovereignty of the Republic. And the invasion
is continuing so long as there are Greek officers in Cyprus. The results of this
invasion will be catalytic for Cyprus if there is no return to constitutional
normality and if democratic freedoms are not restored.
For the purpose of misleading
world public opinion, the military regime of Greece announced yesterday the
gradual replacement of the Greek officers of the National Guard. But the issue
is not their replacement; the issue is their withdrawal. The gesture of
replacement has the meaning of admission that the Greek officers now serving in
the National Guard were those who carried out the coup. Those officers, however,
did not act on their own initiative but upon instructions from Athens, and their
replacements will also follow instructions from the Athens regime. Thus the
National Guard will always remain an instrument of the Greek military regime,
and I am certain that the members of the Security Council understand this ploy.
It may be said that it was the
Cyprus Government, which invited the Greek officers to staff the National Guard.
I regret to say that it was a mistake on my part to bestow upon them so much
trust and confidence. They abused that trust and confidence and, instead of
helping in the defence of the Island's independence, sovereignty and territorial
integrity, they themselves became the aggressors.
I am obliged to say that the
policy of the military regime in Greece towards Cyprus, and particularly towards
the Greek Cypriots, has been insincere. I wish to stress that it was a policy of
duplicity.
For some time talks were going
on between the Greek and Turkish Cypriots in search of a peaceful solution to
the Cyprus problem, which on many occasions has occupied the time of the
Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. The
representative of the Secretary General and two constitutional experts from
Greece and Turkey have been attending the talks. The Security Council has
repeatedly renewed, twice yearly, the mandate of the peace-keeping force in
Cyprus, expressing every time hope for a speedy solution of the problem.
It cannot be said that up to
now the progress of the talks has been satisfactory. But how could there be any
progress in the talks while the policy on Cyprus of the regime in Athens has
been double-faced? It was agreed by all the parties concerned that the talks
were taking place on the basis of independence. The regime of Athens also agreed
to that, and time and again the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that
the position of Greece on this issue was clear. If that were the case, why had
the military regime of Greece created and supported the terrorist organisation 'EOKA
B', whose purpose was stated to be the union of Cyprus with Greece and whose
members called themselves 'unionists'?
Inside the camps of the
National Guard, the Greek officers continually charged that while Enosis was
feasible its realisation was undermined by me. When reminded that Greece had
made its position clear on this and that it supported independence, their reply
was that no attention should be given to the words of diplomats. Under such
circumstances how was it possible for the talks to arrive at a positive result?
The double-faced policy of the Greek regime was one of the main obstacles to the
progress of the talks.
In the circumstances that have
now been created in Cyprus, I cannot foresee the prospects of the talks. I would
rather say that there are no prospects at all. An agreement that may be reached
by the talks would be devoid of any value because there is no elected leadership
to deal with the matter. The coup d'etat of the military regime of Greece
constitutes an arrest of the progress of the talks towards a solution.
Moreover, it will be a
continuous source of anomaly in Cyprus, the repercussions of which will be very
grave and far reaching, if this situation is permitted to continue even for a
short time.
I appeal to the members of the
Security Council to do their utmost to put an end to this anomalous situation,
which was created by the coup of Athens. I call upon the Security Council to use
all ways and means at its disposal so that the constitutional order in Cyprus
and the democratic rights of the people of Cyprus can be reinstated without
delay.
As I have already stated, the
events in Cyprus do not constitute an internal matter of the Greeks of Cyprus.
The Turks of Cyprus are also affected. The coup of the Greek junta is an
invasion, and from its consequences the whole people of Cyprus suffers, both
Greeks and Turks. The United Nations has a peace-keeping force stationed in
Cyprus. It is not possible for the role of that peace-keeping force to be
effective under conditions of a military coup. The Security Council should call
upon the military regime of Greece to withdraw from Cyprus the Greek officers
serving in the National Guard, and to put an end to its invasion of Cyprus.
I think that, with what I have
placed before you, I have given a picture of the situation. I have no doubt that
an appropriate decision of the Security Council will put an end to the invasion
and restore the violated independence of Cyprus and the democratic rights of the
Cypriot people
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